Thursday 13 October 2016

Economic Causes of Civil Conflict and their Implications for Policy


 1
Introduction
This chapter presents an economic perspective on the causes of civil war, based on
empirical patterns globally over the period 1965-99. During this period, the risk of civil
war has been systematically related to a few economic conditions, such as dependence
upon primary commodity exports and low national income. Conversely, and
astonishingly, objective measures of social grievance, such as inequality, a lack of
democracy, and ethnic and religious divisions, have had little systematic effect on risk. I
argue that this is because civil wars occur where rebel organizations are financially
viable. The Michigan Militia, which briefly threatened to menace peace in the USA, was
unable to grow beyond a handful of part-time volunteers, whereas the FARC in Colombia
has grown to employ around 12,000 people. The factors which account for this difference
between failure and success are to be found not in the `causesí which these two rebel
organizations claimed to espouse, but in their radically different opportunities to raise
revenue. The FARC earns around $700m per year from drugs and kidnapping, whereas
the Michigan Militia was probably broke. The central importance of the financial
viability of the rebel organization as the cause of civil war, is why civil wars are so unlike
international wars. Governments can always finance an army out of taxation and so
governments can always fight each other. The circumstances in which a rebel
organization can finance an army are quite unusual. This is why my analysis is entirely
confined to civil war: what I have to say has little or no bearing on inter-government war.
Because the results are so counter-intuitive, I start by arguing why social scientists should
be distrustful of the loud public discourse on conflict. I then turn to the evidence,
describing each of the risk factors in civil war. I then try to explain the observed pattern,
focusing on the circumstances in which rebel organizations are viable. Finally, I turn to
the policy implications. I argue that because the economic dimensions of civil war have
been largely neglected, both governments and the international community have missed
substantial opportunities for promoting peace

Gender: Eritrean People’s Liberation Front and Eritrean government initiatives



Focus is given here to a description of activities concerning women’s position and the gender initiatives undertaken between the mid 1970s and 1991, firstly by the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (the EPLF) during its conflict with Ethiopia and secondly by the post-liberation governments (a transitional government between liberation in May 1991 and 1993, and the current government thereafter, once independence had been ratified.This document addresses events to early 2001).1In many cases there is little or no documentation available regarding people’s responses to such actions during the liberation struggle; such information as exists is set out here, and consideration given to emerging issues of gender equality in the light of previous and current action by those in power. The concluding comments point out certain topics remaining to be addressed by both government and the general population (with its many interest groups and varying
perceptions) if post liberation policy is successfully to be translated into practice.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF EDUCATION NATIONAL REPORT OF THE STATE OF ERITREA

Wednesday 12 October 2016

The article was written at the behest of the Department of Adult and Media Education, Ministry of Education, Government of Eritrea, to commemorate the celebrations of International Literacy Day on Sept 8, 2004. The article was published in Eritrea Profile - a State run news paper four days before on Sunday. It portrays the struggle of Eritrean leadership since its pre-independence era to the present to combat with the illiteracy problems dogging the Eritrean ethnic groups. READMORE 

The State of Eritrea’s Wome n’s Association Revisited: An Analysis of its Past and Pres ent Roles, and Future Challenges Tirhas T. Habtu

This research analyzes the role of the National Union
of Eritrean Women (NUEW) in pre and post-independent Eritrea by
focusing on national and international discourses on Eritrean women (ex)fighters. The NUEW was established in 1979 under the auspices of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), then fighting
for Eritrea’s liberation. Until Eritrea’s de facto independence in 1991 it was regarded as one of the most effective women’s movements in the African continent. In the aftermath of Eritrea’s independence, however, national and international narratives on the emancipation of Eritrean women—particularly
women (ex)fighters and their post-independence status—took divergent paths. This research, then, examines the contentious contemporary discourses on Eritrean women by revisiting the formation, strategies and objectives of the NUEW. Moreover, it scrutinizes the methodology and the data used to bring about
the current image of Eritrean women in the international arena.  READMORE

If you don’t do it our way, forget it! Contextualising Education in E ritrea: Reflections on a Research Experien ce

This paper is part of an unfinished journey into African education and reflects on
experienced cultural dilemm as involved in doing qualitative
research on the context of educational thinking in Eritrea. The thirty-year Independence War (1961-1991) – the two last decades under the leadership of Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), Eritrea’s short post-colonial history, the unexpected recent war with Ethiopia(1998-2000), and the fact thatcentral EPLF leaders are still in political power, are reasons why Eritrea attracts researchers from many continent read more

Sunday 9 October 2016

A culture of War and a Culture of Exile

In the course of the 30-year war for independence from Ethiopia hundreds of thousands Eritreans were forced to leave their country. Today an estimated third of all Eritreans live scattered across Northeast Africa, the Middle East, North America, Australia and Europe. Most of the 25,000 Eritreans living in Germany today arrived as refugees in the mid- and late 1970s and throughout the 1980s (cf. Schröder 2004).1 In their vast majority they supported the independence struggle waged by Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and dreamt of a return to their home country. By the time Eritrea was liberated (May 1991) and gained formal independence (May 1993), many exiles had been abroad for more than a decade. Returning home, though finally feasible, proved to be more difficult than anticipated. The situation of second generation or those born or raised in exile led Eritrean parents in Germany to postpone repatriation plans into the indefinite future. Among other reasons, parents were concerned about interrupting the education of their children and opted to wait until their children have finished school, or other educational persuits and were independent. read morehttps://remi.revues.org/2712

Challenges for Higher Education in Eritrea In The Post- Independent Period to the Present– A Case of Asmara Universit

Abstract:
Eritrean higher education faced numerous
challenges over many years. It was
particularly suffered during the colonial peri
ods. Eritrea exerted its efforts to develop
its dilapidated educational system with
the advent of its independence. Eritrea
celebrated its sixteenth birthday recently
. However, the educational challenges in
higher education still remain high. The gove
rnment of Eritrea established different
colleges in different administ
rative regions. The University of Asmara is the only
university in the country that had to be revi
talized after its devastation by the 30-year
war of independence. Since independence, the
University has been able to contribute
to the nation’s skill manpower considerably.
This paper examines higher education of
Eritrea for about 60 years period. It delves
the University of Asmara and its birth,
development and apogee. The paper also give
s some insights on recent educational
development in Eritrea  read more

Ethiopia declares state of emergency to restore order after protests

By Aaron Maasho | ADDIS ABABA
Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn declared a six-month state of emergency on Sunday, saying it was to restore order after weeks of protests that have resulted in deaths and damage to mostly foreign-owned factories and flower farms.
Last week, protesters also destroyed scores of vehicles, adding economic casualties to a rising death toll in a wave of unrest over land grabs and rights.
"A state of emergency has been declared because the situation posed a threat against the people of the country," Hailemariam said on state-run television.
"The state of emergency is vital. It is essential to restore peace and stability over a short period of time," he said, adding the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition was also looking at reforms, and planning to hold talks with opposition parties.
Hailemariam said the state of emergency was effective from Oct.8.
The violence has put a shadow over a nation where a state-led industrial drive has created one of Africa's fastest growing economies, but where the government has also faced rising international criticism and popular opposition to its authoritarian approach to development.
Last Sunday, at least 55 people were killed in a stampede in Ethiopia's Oromiya region that was triggered when police used teargas and shot in the air to disperse anti-government protesters at a religious festival.

That has added the toll to more than 450 the number of people rights groups and opponents say have been killed in unrest since 2015. A U.S. researcher was killed on Tuesday when her car was attacked by stone-throwers near Addis Ababa. source http://www.reuters.com/article

Civic Education in Eritrean Schools -How is it going?

Summary

This study is about Civic Education (Civics) in Eritrea.
The aim was to evaluate the subject
Civics, introduced in Eritrean Secondary Schools in 1998.
This study has three focuses. First,
a general progress report. Second, to assess the teachers’ experiences.
And finally, to study the methodologies that are used. Semi-structured interviews with students,teachers, school leaders,university teachers and government officials
were conducted. Open observations in secondary schools and at Asmara University were also made.
Another method was studies of docum
ents. Textbooks, teacher’s guide for textbooks, syllabus and reports from the
Ministry of Education w
ere studied. I met many hardworking and ambitious teachers.
They are doing a remarkable work even though the circumstances are tough.
The main results are that no Civics teachers are trained and no text books
are produced for te students.Very few teachers have attend ed a workshop.
Both teachers and students feel that Civics is not as important as other subjects.
Civics, not being included in the m
atriculation exam, strengthens this feeling. At many schools the home room
teachers are appointed to teach Civics. They do not have time to p repare the lessons properly and they do not have enough k
nowledge in the subject. English is used as medium of instruction and this is an
obstacle in several ways. Most teachers do not use the  student-centered methodology that is proposed by the Departm
ent of General Education. It is unclear in how many Zobas (administrative regions)
Civics isactually taught   read more

Educational Gender Gap in Eritrea

As stated by UNESCO in its 2001 regional report on Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), one of the key ways of meeting the challenges of the 21stcentury is to guarantee the benefits of education for all by ensuring that education systems work in an equitable, efficient and effective manner. The effort to provide an equitable education to all students has led to extensive re-
search on gender differences on enrolment. In Eritrea, although progress in enrolment has been made over the past decades,the share of female enrolment is still lower than boys (UNESCO 2001b)   read more