Friday 19 February 2010

Policies Acted: The Effect of Pluralism and Policies on Eritrean Refugees

Eritrean refugees have been migrating to Ethiopia for approximately 7 years. By registering with UNHCR, they hope to have the opportunity for resettlement in a Western country. The process of time-case resettlement has been slow, leaving many Eritreans stranded in Ethiopia for up to six years; UNHCR policies are further confounded by US polices on terrorism and immigration quotas. UNCHR and the US government have just announced that a group resettlement to the US has been approved for the majority of residents of Shimelba refugee camp. In presenting a case study of the experiences and attitudes of encamped and urban Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia, I will illustrate the "front-end" of refugee resettlement and forced migration. The intersection of US policies on immigration, international institutions that monitor these processes, local political opposition groups that insert themselves into the resettlement process, and the experiences of individuals seeking resettlement to a third country must be explored to understand the effects these processes have on the overall Eritrean diaspora community, and on Eritrean identity and consciousness. I suggest that the upcoming group-resettlement of Shimelba residents to the US has triggered a shift in subjectivity among the camp members towards that of rights-bearing citizenship. By noting patterned articulations of human rights and an emergent rights consciousness, we see where UNHCR humanitarian policy fails by defining protection narrowly, even while engendering refugees' human rights awareness. I reexamine US policies that leave some refugees stranded, and Ethiopian government policies that short-circuit the human rights regime for refugees.
Read more

Rethinking Household Headship among Eritrean Refugees and Returnees

One of the most common generalizations concerning refugee populations is that they are dominated by female heads of households and children. It is claimed that men are either killed in the wars that prompt displacement or are left behind to fight. This assumption has continued to determine the policies of relief and development agencies, as well as governments in countries of asylum and return. On the basis of empirical data from UNHCR and household data from Eritrea, this article questions the validity of such a dominant assumption. The article also problematizes the concept of household headship by showing that it is a cultural construction whose meaning varies from one cultural context to another. There is, thus, no definition of headship that can apply cross-culturally. It also argues that since female heads of households (FHHs) are not socially and economically homogeneous, household headship is not an appropriate method of identifying the poorest of the poor for targeting or provision of emergency relief or for productive inputs in development programmes.

Read more



$













%







$








&' (


















Read more

Trends and Perspectives on the Eritrean Refugees and Human Rights Crisis

This paper discusses trends and perspectives on the Eritrean refugee and human rights crisis
from the viewpoint of the Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights (EMDHR). It
complements the objectives of the Eritrean Diaspora Working Group (London Meeting). As
discussed over teleconference of the prospective participants of the London Meeting, on 10
January 2008, the paraphrased objectives of the meeting are:2
· To introduce a selected group of Eritrean human rights defenders from
different regions of the world, including their advocacy work on human
rights and refugee protection, specifically in Africa and Europe;
· To define concrete strategies with regard to the attainment of the above
objectives, especially in relation to advocacy towards the European Union
(EU) – because the EU is seen as a very important actor, both in relation to
the refugee problem and in relation to human rights and the general political
situation in the region.
According to the same document, the participants3 of the London Meeting were consciously
chosen by the organiser (EEPA), taking into consideration the variety of political views
amongst the Eritrean diaspora. At a later stage, however, a broader platform of Eritrean
diaspora will be considered.4 The Working Group is expected to explore possibilities on the
optimisation of effective information sharing and dissemination of Eritrean news to key EU
officials, European NGO’s and other relevant stakeholders.
As a preparation for the London Meeting, members of the Working Group were given specific
tasks to be accomplished before the meeting. The EMDHR representative was asked to prepare
a briefing on the Eritrean human rights and refugee crisis and the response towards such crisis
in Africa and Europe. The briefing is based on past, current and future advocacy programmes
of the EMDHR in the area of human rights and refugee protection, including some discussion
on the political stand of major European players. To provide context, this document presents a
brief contextual background of Eritrea, focusing mainly on the increasing tendencies of
authoritarianism of the government that finally led to the post-2001 agonising political crisis
Read more.

The Case of Eritrean Refugees in the UK

This study will highlight what is often neglected in the immigration debate – the
experience of the very people whose lives are destroyed by the UK immigration law,
the asylum seekers themselves. The study is based on the transcripts of interviews
with more than 400 Eritrean Refused Asylum Seekers; interviews that were carried
out by the Home Office as part of their initial application for asylum*. Of those 400,
30 people were interviewed once again so that insight could be gained into their
experiences of living in the UK once their claim for asylum is rejected.
* Names have been altered in order to protect the identities of asylum seekers whose
stories are being told.
Read more

Sudan: Influx of Eritrean Refugees

On Thursday 18 May refugees from Eritrea began crossing the border into eastern Sudan, several
kilometres from Kassala town. The influx continued over the following days and around 30,000
people are thought to have arrived already, with more expected imminently. The authorities are
anticipating up to 80,000 people could eventually arrive at a number of crossing points. The
Sudanese Red Crescent (SRCS) has been extremely active from the first day, and this appeal is to
supply urgent relief items and to enable the SRCS to continue their assistance to the refugees, in
close cooperation with other agencies.
Read more

Emergency Education and Psychosocial Support Programming for Eritrean Refugees in Ethiopia

This case study examines an Emergency Education Program implemented by the
International Rescue Committee (IRC) for Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia. Exposure to
armed conflict contributes to a child’s internalization of a culture of violence. Education,
with the necessary psychosocial care, can help break the cycle of conflict. Started as a
pilot project between June and December 2001, IRC’s education program provided
education services and psychosocial support to refugee children and youth who were
badly affected by the Ethiopian/Eritrean conflict in order to engage them in constructive
activities and build the skills and capacities needed for rebuilding their community in the
long-term.1. In addition, IRC aimed to address the lack of education that the Kunama
youth had received during the conflict. The program attained its overall goal of helping
children cope with the trauma and loss associated with conflict and displacement and
created some stability and sense of normality. While not specifically the focus of IRC’s
program, emergency education also provided a means to engage youth who would
otherwise be vulnerable and susceptible to recruitment by combatants
Read more

On the Refugee Problem in Eritrea

Introduction
By the end of 2000, at least 34.5 million people—refugees and internally displaced—had
fled their homes because of war, persecution, and human rights abuses.1 Combined, the
number of people that have been uprooted roughly equals the sum of the populations of
Austria, Belgium, Switzerland, and Greece.2
Of these, an estimated 25 million people are internally displaced
in at least 40 countries.3 These people live in Kosovo,
Sierra Leone, the Sudan,Afghanistan,Colombia, and many other
countries. Afghanistan hosts the second largest community of
internally-displaced persons (IDPs), after Eritrea.4
The United States Committee on Refugees estimates that there
are over 14 million refugees worldwide5—an increase of 4 percent
from last year, with Afghanistan, Burundi, Iraq, Sudan,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Somalia,Angola, Sierra Leone, Eritrea, and
Vietnam as the top 10 countries.6
The following analyzes the refugee crisis of Eritrea as a case
study to better understand the plight of refugees and the internally
displaced worldwide, and to identify ways that the international
community can help.
Read more

Kunama refugees

The United States has agreed to resettle a group of Kunama refugees
who have been living in Ethiopian refugee camps since fleeing their homes
in rural Eritrea more than 6 years ago. The refugees, who live in Shimelba
Refugee Camp near the Eritrean border, are not able to return safely to
their homes in Eritrea and cannot settle permanently in Ethiopia. As a
result, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
referred more than 1,200 of them—out of a total Kunama population in
the camp of 4,000—to the United States for resettlement consideration.
The rest of the Kunama refugees in Shimelba—about 2,800 individuals—
chose not be included in the UNHCR referral.
This Backgrounder provides Reception and Placement (R&P) agency
staff and others assisting refugee newcomers with an overview of the
Kunama to help them prepare for the refugees’ arrival and resettlement
needs. The Backgrounder looks at the experiences of the Kunama in
Eritrea, their lives in Shimelba Refugee Camp, and their cultural practices
and preferences.
Read more

Refugees and Migrants from Eritrea to the Arab World: The Cases of Sudan, Yemen and Saudi Arabia 1991-2007 By Hélène Thiollet

Since the early 1960s, exiles have been fleeing from Eritrea to neighbouring Sudan, the Arab world, and more recently to the West. The independence war that saw Eritreans rise against the Ethiopian state after the annexation of the former Italian colony in 1962, raged until 1991 and caused massive population displacement. Ongoing violence and poverty created over one million refugees in the 1980s and continuous flows of emigrants until the beginning of the 1990s.
Eritrean independence, established in 1993, was expected to put refugees on their way back home. With the outbreak of a new war in 1998 and the authoritarian rule of Issayas Afewerki, however, new exiles have been created and the old exiles have been prevented from returning.
Read more

Refugees and Migrants from Eritrea to the Arab World: The Cases of Sudan, Yemen and Saudi Arabia 1991-2007 By Hélène Thiollet

Since the early 1960s, exiles have been fleeing from Eritrea to neighbouring Sudan, the Arab world, and more recently to the West. The independence war that saw Eritreans rise against the Ethiopian state after the annexation of the former Italian colony in 1962, raged until 1991 and caused massive population displacement. Ongoing violence and poverty created over one million refugees in the 1980s and continuous flows of emigrants until the beginning of the 1990s.
Eritrean independence, established in 1993, was expected to put refugees on their way back home. With the outbreak of a new war in 1998 and the authoritarian rule of Issayas Afewerki, however, new exiles have been created and the old exiles have been prevented from returning.
Read more

Creating humanitarian space: a case study of Somalia

In the past few years, the situation in Somalia2 has repeatedly been described as one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world (Menkhaus 2009, UNHCR 2009a). In early 2009 over three million people were estimated to be in need of aid, a 77% increase in less than a year (OCHA 2008, 2009).3
It has been estimated that as many as two-thirds of Mogadishu‟s population might have fled their homes (Lindley 2009). Many of these forcibly displaced persons gathered along the roads outside Mogadishu in an area known as Afgooye, with numbers ranging from 200.000 to over 400.000 (ICG 2008, UNHCR 2009b). However, the amount of aid they have received is far from the largest in the world; in fact, it is closer to none. The starting point for this paper is to ask why this is so.
A key factor relates to the lack of humanitarian space in Somalia. This is a much used term, often used to describe the level of access for humanitarian agencies and the environment which they operate in. But the actual meaning of the term remains somewhat unclear. In this paper, I will investigate both why and how humanitarian needs can be put in focus and practically addressed through a clearer understanding of „humanitarian space‟.
This paper is based on fieldwork and interviews carried out in 2009 in Europe and Nairobi (For a note on methodology, see4). It is divided in four main parts: in the first develops a conceptual understanding of ‟humanitarian space‟; the second provides a brief overview of Somalia; the third represents an exploratory study of humanitarian operations in Somalia; and in the final part I seek to draw some analytical conclusions.
Read more
1

Negotiating Sudan’s Post-Referendum Arrangements

With Southern Sudan’s referendum on whether to remain part of Sudan or secede approaching,
it is vital that the international community encourage and support negotiations on postreferendum
arrangements, which include issues ranging from wealth sharing to citizenship
rights to security arrangements. Good coordination among the international community
will be essential.
• A single mediator with a clear and strong mandate should lead negotiations on postreferendum
arrangements, supported by a contact group or group of friends that can insert
targeted pressures and incentives into the process. The mediator needs to be strong enough
to prevent “forum shopping” and contain or co-opt spoilers.
• States and non-state actors that wish to play a central role in negotiations on post-referendum
arrangements should demonstrate a long term commitment to Sudan and to overseeing
implementation of any agreement.
• Negotiations on post-referendum arrangements and the ongoing negotiations on Darfur
should be kept separate.
Read more

Democratization via Elections in an African “Narco-state”? The Case of Guinea-Bissau

Recent development cooperation with Guinea‐Bissau, focusing on good governance, statebuilding
and conflict prevention, did not contribute to democratization nor to the stabilization
of volatile political, military and economic structures. The portrayal of Guinea‐
Bissau as failed a “narco‐state”, as well as Western aid meant to stabilize this state, are
both based on dubious concepts. Certainly, the impact of drug trafficking could endanger
democratization and state‐building if continued unchecked. However, the most pressing
need is not state‐building facilitated by external aid that is poorly rooted in the social and
political fabric of the country. Rather, it is grassroots nation‐building that is a pre‐condition
for the creation of viable state institutions.
Keywords: Guinea‐Bissau, elections, democratization, informal institutions, aid, nationbuilding,
institution building, drug trafficking
Read more

Post-War and Post-Conflict Challenges for Development Cooperation

Conflict and violence have become an important context for development
cooperation during the last decade. Donors not only have to
cope with the consequences of conflict in their day‐to‐day work on
the ground, but also need to develop strategies in the fields of early
warning and prevention, as well as instruments for conflict analysis
and conflict‐sensitive approaches for cooperation. At the same time,
external actors have been important supporters for many peace processes
aiming at the termination of armed conflicts and violence.
When wars or armed conflicts end (or at least when violence on the
ground decreases) the hope for sustainable peacebuilding grows. UN
General Secretary Ban Ki Moon pointed out the importance of the
immediate post‐conflict/post‐war period in a report to the Security
Council on June 11, 2009: “The immediate post‐conflict period offers
a window of opportunity to provide basic security, deliver peace
dividends, shore up and build confidence in the political process, and
strengthen core national capacity to lead peacebuilding efforts.” This
gives a first impression of the many challenges internal and external
actors face; at the same time experiences on the ground show that
liberal peacebuilding conceived as a profound transformation process
is a difficult endeavour.
Read more

Africa conflict prevention programme annual report

Despite a general reduction in the number of conflicts across the continent, 2008/09 has seen areas of significant fighting and violence in Africa. Disputed elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe have generated considerable unrest, human rights abuses and politically motivated violence. In Eastern DRC and the Horn, armed conflicts have caused the displacement of many thousands of people.
In 2008/09, the Africa Conflict Prevention Programme (ACPP) has spent £68.7 million funding conflict resolution initiatives in areas affected by “hot” conflicts, supporting peace processes throughout the African continent, and developing African capability to prevent and mitigate conflict.
Read more

A Methodology for the Calculation of the Global Economic Costs of Con‡ict by Olaf J. de Groot

There is a substantial body of research on the calculation of the costs of
con‡ict, but so far no satisfactory methodology has been proposed that is able
to combine all potential channels in one single analysis. This paper uses the
existing literature and its problems to propose a methodology for doing so.
The speci…c problems addressed in this study include the measurement of
welfare, the imputation of missing data, the validity of the econometric tech-
niques used in the estimation of con‡ict costs, the di¤erentiation of existing
con‡ict databases and the possibility of both direct and non-direct e¤ects.
These challenges are described in detail in this paper and a comprehensive
methodological roadmap is proposed to be able to estimate the Global Eco-
nomic Costs of Con‡ict. This contribution is an important continuation of our
research agenda with regards to the calculation of the Global Economic Costs
of Con‡ict.
Keywords: Con‡ict, development, costs of con‡ict, civil war
Read more