Africa: Qatar's Conflict With Its Neighbours Can Easily Set the Horn of Africa Alight

It began as a squabble between Arab allies, but the standoff between Qatar and its neighbours is threatening to engulf the Horn of Africa. When Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen and the Maldives declared at the beginning of June that they were severing diplomatic relations with Qatar it appeared to be of interest mainly to the Arabian Peninsula - and the Gulf in particular.

The Saudis and their allies accused Qatar of backing international terrorism. The US, which has the Al Udeid air base in Qatar, looked askance, but did little more than use its good offices to try to ensure that the war of words did not flare into an open conflict.

But the countries just across the Red Sea have found themselves dragged into the dispute. After prevaricating for some time, Eritrea, which had hitherto good relations with Qatar, fell into line with the Saudis and broke ties with Qatar. readmore

With Qatari forces gone, tension rises between Djibouti and Eritrea

The African Union is calling for calm as border tensions between Djibouti and Eritrea intensify. The rising threat of unrest is further fallout from the diplomatic crisis embroiling Qatar.

A decades-long border dispute in the Doumeira region that, on occasion, had turned violent, was dampened in 2010 when the two sides agreed to let Qatar mediate. Since then, 450 Qatari forces have been maintaining a buffer zone between the two sides – until they up and left last week.
Qatar offered no explanation for the move, though it comes amid a diplomatic dispute with other Arab nations, most notably the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, which have cut diplomatic ties and are now trying to isolate Qatar from the rest of the world. Saudi Arabia and its allies allege that Qatar supports Islamist extremists, a charge the small gulf nation denies.
Both Djibouti and Eritrea have good relations with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and have taken their side in the Gulf row.
Djibouti says that, in the absence of Qatari soldiers, Eritrea has once again occupied the disputed territory, and hints that military clashes are not out of the question.
Foreign Minister Mahamoud Ali Youssouf warned that Djibouti's military were "on alert" and said the nation has lodged complaints to the UN and the African Union (AU). The AU urged restraint and said it would send a fact-finding mission to the disputed border.
It’s possible that the disputed Doumeira region won’t be the only place where the troubles with Qatar will be felt.

"The Qataris are involved in a number of fields outside their immediate region,” H.A. Hellyer, senior non-resident fellow at the Atlantic Council in Washington DC, told FRANCE 24. “Many of those pressuring Qatar via these various measures are as well – and many times, they interact. There are probably very many arenas like the Djibouti-Eritrea scenario, and if this crisis in the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) continues we may see many more such abrupt disruptions." readmore

South Sudan’s Slide into Conflict: Revisiting the Past and Reassessing Partnerships

Summary

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South Sudan’s return to violence in December 2013 poses questions about the quality of

partnership between donors and fragile and conflict-affected states more broadly. The quality

of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and the thinness of donor appetite for risk

combined to highlight the fatal flaws in the nascent South Sudan’s foundations.

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The conflict caught donors and many long-term observers of South Sudan unawares, and has

led to a suspension of much development programming, in favour of humanitarian assistance

to alleviate the effects of the violence.

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There is an urgent need to return to development activity based on a new political partnership

between the international community and South Sudan, one that seeks to address – rather than

work around – the real obstacles to the realization of a peaceful, stable and democratic South Sudan.

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In the future, donors will need to be much better at integrating their development and political

activity; be able to manage a higher degree of political risk; avoid the temptation to work only

on the ‘demand side’; and learn how to work with the political/security as well as the technical

dimensions of the current context  read more

South Sudan and Sudan Back to War? A View from Juba

The recent volatility of the Sudan-South Sudan relationship raises important questions about why peace and stability between the two countries is so tenuous. From interviews conducted in Juba, South Sudan’s leaders appear open to continued talks and to the establishment of improved relations with Khartoum, especially in response to international pressure to do so. But there is a perceptible shift within the leadership in Juba toward disengagement with Sudan.

The dominance of hardliners in Khartoum politics, a long history of broken agreements with Khartoum, Juba’s doubts about the international community’s ability to fairly mediate between South Sudan and Sudan, and a post-independence sentiment that South Sudan must assert its sovereignty in response to continued Northern aggression have all contributed to a growing feeling that negotiations with Khartoum may not be the best means of achieving Juba’s strategic interests. But Juba’s reactions to Khartoum remain sensitive to cues from the international community, a legacy of international actors’ deep involvement in the negotiation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and support for the successful independence of South Sudan. Maintaining a positive image before the international community is still critically important to South Sudan’s leaders. Read more

Conflict in the Somali Region of Ethiopia: Can Education Promote Peace-Building

 fThis report is an analysis of the links between conflict and education in Somali Region, and examines if and how improved education might contribute to peace and security objectives. While recognizing the critical role of education in the development of the region, the analysis questions a causal framework in which improved education alone will lead to short-term or long-term conflict transformation. This finding is related to the deep-rooted and complex causes of conflict in the region, and the reality that current education services do not engage directly with the main conflict actors. The report makes recommendations for reshaping education strategies to enhance possible impact on conflict.  read more