Showing posts with label Conflict. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Conflict. Show all posts

Wednesday, 21 June 2017

Djibouti accuses Eritrea of occupying disputed area Official says Eritrean soldiers occupied moved contested border territory, days after Qatar pulled its peacekeepers out.

Djibouti's foreign minister has accused neighbouring Eritrea of occupying a disputed territory along their border shortly after Qatar peacekeepers left the location this week.
Mahamoud Ali Youssouf said on Friday that Djibouti's military was "on alert" and that it has lodged complaints to the United Nations and the African Union.
"Qatari peacekeepers withdrew on June 12 and 13. On the same day, there were Eritrean military movements on the mountain," Ali Youssouf told the Reuters news agency.
"They are now in full control of Dumeira Mountain and Dumeira Island. This is in breach of the UN Security Council resolution," he added, referring to areas that the neighbours dispute.
Authorities in Eritrea were not immediately available for comment.
Qatar announced that it was pulling its contingent out on June 14, days after the two East African countries sided with Saudi Arabia and its allies in a major diplomatic standoff with Doha.
Qatar's foreign ministry did not give a reason for the move.

On June 5, a Saudi-led bloc of countries announced they were cutting ties with Qatar, accusing it of supporting "terrorists" - allegations Doha strongly denies. readmore

Ending Sudan's identity crisis Amir Ahmad

Since a year before its independence in 1956, Sudan has witnessed terrible violence and bloodshed, which continues to this day. The reasons for this are numerous and complex, but one key culprit has always been our Afro-Arab identity crisis, which doesn't seem to have any near end in sight.   read more
Contrary to what many northern Sudanese may like to believe, the secession and independence of the south is not going to end the identity crisis, and it's certainly not going to magically turn the country into a genuinely Arab Islamic nation-state despite what Omar al-Bashir may want.
It won't happen, not even by force, due to the simple fact that Sudan always has been and always will be a multi-ethnic, multi-religious melting pot. Multi-ethnic given its minorities and various dominant Arab, Afro-Arab and African tribes, and multi-religious given its diverse population of Muslims, Christians and animists.
The question is: will we eventually have a democratic government that actually recognises and respects our diversity? Or will we continue to have an Islamist Afro-Arab regime, largely in denial of its "Africanness", which forcefully seeks to impose its self-serving interpretation of Islamic law and confused Arab identity on the rest of us?
It's hard to say what the future holds for Sudan, especially in light of the Arab spring, worsening economic conditions, recent northern takeover of Abyei, and the precedence of Sudan's 1964 and 1985 uprisings that succeeded in overthrowing repressive dictatorships.
What ultimately happens remains to be seen. Meanwhile, one of the things we northern Sudanese need to do is to address our identity crisis as a people. It's a crisis the southern Sudanese don't have to deal with because they are ethnically and culturally African.
However, generally speaking, we northern Sudanese are not. With the exception of a few tribes like the Rashaida, who are ethnically and culturally Arab, and some tribes in Darfur and near the south, who are ethnically and culturally African, the majority of northern Sudanese are Afro-Arab.
We're Afro-Arab in three main ways, simplified as follows.:
1. Ethnically as well as culturally Afro-Arab
2. Ethnically Afro-Arab but culturally predominantly Arab (the majority)
3. Ethnically African but culturally predominantly Arab and hence "Arabised"
Nevertheless, our attitudes don't really honour this reality. Yes, there are many of us who value our combined Afro-Arab heritage and self-identify, either as Afro-Arabs or just as Sudanese. There are also many who identify primarily as Arab or African for valid reasons that depend on which side of their cultural and ethnic heritage weighs more heavily. However, there are too many who reject their "Africanness" or "Arabness", with a few in both camps condescendingly and outspokenly showing disrespect for that aspect of themselves which they reject.
Then there are those who don't reject, but rather gently distance themselves from their "Africanness" or "Arabness" – consciously or subconsciously.
From my experience and observations, this act of distancing tends to be dynamic and evolving. It can happen for a variety of personal, social and political reasons in Sudan and within the Afro-Arab Sudanese diaspora.
For instance, many religious Sudanese Afro-Arabs I've spoken to prefer to primarily identify themselves as Arabs, because Arabs were the first Muslims and the people who spread Islam to the world. They see a certain prestige in being associated with that, and their religiosity colours their world view. (Islamic culture and Arab culture are intertwined in many ways in Sudan, and sometimes difficult to tell apart.)
Another example is how the explosion of hip-hop and rap music's popularity in the late 1990s throughout the Arab world made it "cool" for many young urban Sudanese Afro-Arabs to self-identify primarily as black rather than Arab.
And if a conversation I had in 2006 with an Afro-Arab Sudanese-American friend in Chicago is any indication, in a post-9/11 America, many like him prefer to identify as African over Arab.
I can't help but wonder how the Arab spring, which shattered global stereotypes and reaffirmed Arab dignity, might impact on them now.
Different Sudanese Afro-Arabs are obviously going to self-identify in different ways for different reasons, and they're free to be who they want to be – but confusion should not be the outcome. A nation with a confused or, worse, conflicted identity is likely to face difficulties as it tries to move forward, especially if it lacks confidence, self-esteem and a vision for its future.
Socially, the problem can be remedied through better education about our rich history and through more cultural and artistic endeavours that celebrate our pluralistic heritage. While we're at it, let's also tackle internal racism and our sometimes twisted conceptions of beauty in relation to skin colour.
Politically, the solution should be a civil multicultural democracy that recognises and respects our diversity and provides the framework within which we can negotiate our identity as individuals and as a people.
But make no mistake. This democracy will need to nurture our identity as first and foremost Sudanese citizens, which in turn will need to be based on an inclusive "Sudanism" that we'll have to negotiate. Otherwise, we risk remaining a country suffering from a terrible identity crisis – which will be a shame, given our huge potential.

Saturday, 3 December 2016

UN: 'Ethnic cleansing under way' in South Sudan

A UN commission on human rights in South Sudan has said a steady process of ethnic cleansing is underway in the country, involving massacres, starvation, gang rape and the destruction of villages.


On Wednesday, three commission members who had travelled around South Sudan for 10 days said they observed deepening divisions in a country with 64 ethnic groups.
"There is already a steady process of ethnic cleansing underway in several areas of South Sudan using starvation, gang rape and the burning of villages," commission chairwoman Yasmin Sooka told a news conference.
"The stage is being set for a repeat of what happened in Rwanda and the international community is under an obligation to prevent it."
The alleged ethnic cleansing comes after almost three years of fighting between government forces, rebel troops and allied militias. A political split between President Salva Kiir and his former deputy Riek Machar escalated into a military conflict in December 2013.
The conflict - which has killed tens of thousands, caused widespread hunger and forced three million people from their homes - has pitted Kiir's Dinka ethnic group against Machar's Nuer ethnic group and other groups suspected of supporting the rebels.
"You have so many different groups of armed actors, including the military who are talking about dealing with a rebellion and putting it down," Sooka told Al Jazeera in a separate interview.
"You have ethnic tensions because people have been displaced from their land based on ethnicity. Everybody believes that a military conflict is almost inevitable in different parts of the country."
Adama Dieng, UN special adviser on the prevention of genocide, has called on the Security Council to impose an arms embargo to prevent the ethnic violence from escalating into full-on genocide.
In the Equatorias region, the commission "heard numerous accounts of corpses being found along the main roads," the UN's Godfrey Musila said.
The ethnic attacks have spread even to the southern Equatoria region, which had not experienced much violence until now, he said.
"The commissioner said that armed conflict could be averted if targeted sanctions, arms embargo and a hybrid court is set up to hold those accountable for crimes committed," Al Jazeera’s Hiba Morgan said, reporting from Juba.

"The UN Security Council is expected to vote on targeted sanctions and an arms embargo this week, but the hybrid court … seems far from becoming a reality." READMORE

Sunday, 9 October 2016

Ethiopia declares state of emergency to restore order after protests

By Aaron Maasho | ADDIS ABABA
Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn declared a six-month state of emergency on Sunday, saying it was to restore order after weeks of protests that have resulted in deaths and damage to mostly foreign-owned factories and flower farms.
Last week, protesters also destroyed scores of vehicles, adding economic casualties to a rising death toll in a wave of unrest over land grabs and rights.
"A state of emergency has been declared because the situation posed a threat against the people of the country," Hailemariam said on state-run television.
"The state of emergency is vital. It is essential to restore peace and stability over a short period of time," he said, adding the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition was also looking at reforms, and planning to hold talks with opposition parties.
Hailemariam said the state of emergency was effective from Oct.8.
The violence has put a shadow over a nation where a state-led industrial drive has created one of Africa's fastest growing economies, but where the government has also faced rising international criticism and popular opposition to its authoritarian approach to development.
Last Sunday, at least 55 people were killed in a stampede in Ethiopia's Oromiya region that was triggered when police used teargas and shot in the air to disperse anti-government protesters at a religious festival.

That has added the toll to more than 450 the number of people rights groups and opponents say have been killed in unrest since 2015. A U.S. researcher was killed on Tuesday when her car was attacked by stone-throwers near Addis Ababa. source http://www.reuters.com/article/ 

Wednesday, 5 October 2016

Ethiopia: 25 Years of Human Rights Violation

Ethiopia: 25 Years of Human Rights Violations
When the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took control of the capital,
Addis Ababa on 28 May 1991, Amnesty International hailed the day as a “…break with the past” and
an opportunity to put human rights protection at the top of the agenda for the future.
However, as Ethiopians celebrate 25 years of EPRDF rule, they have suffered persistent and pervasive violations, in particular, of civil and political rights that has become a hallmark of the EPRDF government
Ethiopian civil society’s engagement with human rights is shackled by the Charities and Societies
Proclamation 621/09, which violates Ethiopia’s Constitution and the country’s international human
rights obligations and commitments. The law places funding and other restrictions on human rights
organizations, and to violate it is a criminal offense. Since 2011, the law has been used to freeze
assets of more than one million US dollars belonging to the country’s two leading human rights
organizations: the Human Rights Council5 and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association.
Amnesty International’s study on the impact of the Charities and Societies Proclamation found: “This
law has also had a devastating impact on the staff of human rights organizations, the human rights
defenders themselves. For many years human rights defenders have operated in a climate of fear in
Ethiopia, subjected to regular harassment, arrest, detention and even violent attack. The underlying
impact of the Charities and Societies Proclamation has been to entrench still further, and even to
institutionalise, this fear pervading the work of human rights defenders”.6 25 years since the EPRDF
took power, only one independent human rights monitoring organisation-the Human Rights Council
-remains operational in the country.
The Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP), which came into force in 2009, has also been used to silence
political opposition and voices critical of government policy and practice. The Proclamation’s
provisions defining ‘terrorist acts’, ‘moral support to terrorism and terrorist organizations’, and ‘search,
seizure, detention and arrest’ are vulnerable to abuse especially in a country not well known for
judicial integrity. The Government of Ethiopia denies that the law was aimed at political opposition
parties or journalists. Yet, journalists, political opposition leaders and dissidents, have been arrested,
and convicted for alleged involvement and links to the three domestic organizations that the
government considers to be terrorist groups - the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), the
Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and Ginbot- 7
The ATP has been used against members and leaders of opposition political parties, journalists and
human rights defenders since its enactment in 2009. Political opposition figures such as Andualem
Arage, Nathanial Mekonnen and Asaminew Berhanu (all senior officials of the Unity for Democracy
and Justice Party), Zemene Molla, (General Secretary of the Ethiopian National Democratic Party),
Olbana Lelise, and Andargachew Tsige are among political opposition leaders charged and convicted

under the ATP. In 2014, Omot Agwa Okwoy, Ashinie Astin Titoyk, Jemal Oumar Hojele, land rights read more